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Re REPORT ON
IRANIAN RACISM IN SOUTHERN AZERBAIJAN
In this report, we would like to bring to your kind attention a snapshot
of the following arbitrary cases deployed by the Iranian authorities in
Southern Azerbaijan, which bear the hallmark of the Iranian racism:
1.
Arbitrary treatment of the protesters against the
deliberate Iranian policy of the desertification of Lake Urmu
2.
Iranian terrorism has now exceeded its boundaries
from Southern Azerbaijan to the Republic of Azerbaijan, where Mr. Refiq
Tagi (Rəfiq Tağı) was its targeted victim on 23 November 2011.
3.
An overview of individuals arbitrarily
imprisoned, gagged intimidated.
4.
Iranian intimidation of the Southern Azerbaijani
sports fans.
We are aware that the time is closing for the delivery of your report.
We expressed our disappointment on the content of your preliminary
report on the following accounts:
·
The report fell far short of exposing the
racism infesting Iran (or the Islamic Republic of Iran or Persia)
from its grass roots cores to its higher governmental echelons. Your use
of the expression of racial policies in Iran is simply an
appeasement of the Iranian racist atrocities and by doing so, you are
letting the racists in Iran off the hook. No justice is done without the
outright exposure in terms of using the term racist and racism.
·
The report did not expose the deliberate
policies of the Iranian authorities on the desertification of Lake Urmu
and the ongoing deliberate environmental degradation imposed on South
Azerbaijan.
·
The report did not reflect the massive scale of
arbitrary detentions by the Iranian authorities and various forms of
collusions among the Iranian officials to cover the trace of their
heinous acts.
·
The report had a good opportunity to declare
unacceptable the scale of racism used in sports arena and yet this
opportunity was overlooked.
This report just provides you supplementary explanations on top of
masses of information sent to you by us, other Southern Azerbaijani
organizations and no doubt by the representatives of other nations
within the country. We would like to turn the table round and state
clearly that the ethnic nation of the Persians need your help if you
declare directly to them that their racism will no longer be accepted by
the world community. If you do not expose racism in Iran (we do not mean
racial policies but outright racism in Iran), you have not fulfilled
your mandates. We are deliberately blunt in our choice word and we
apologize for it but not prepared to change our wording. We thank you in
advance for your care.
Yours faithfully,
Boyuk Resuloglu
The Committee for the Defence of the Rights of World Azerbaijanis
1.
Lake Urmu
The fate of Lake Urmu is the fate of more than 13 million Southern
Azerbaijanis in its immediate vicinity (approximately 30% of the total
population of Southern Azerbaijan). The Iranian authorities are
maliciously undermining the lake and the nation of Azerbaijan in
Southern Azerbaijan is boldly safeguarding it. Among a diversity of
initiatives to save Lake Urmu, a reported 30 activists had gathered on
25 August 2011 during the fasting month of Ramadan for a discussion of
more initiative to save Lake Urmu. Included in their agenda for
discussion was an official report by a member of the Iranian Majles to
depopulate the Lake Urmu basin from its native Azerbaijani Turks. The
participants of this gathering were detained and tried in the Iranian
kangaroo courts. The documents provided are:
Table 1.a provides the names of some of detainees who were
arbitrarily detained by the Iranian authorities.
Table 1.b translates excerpts from the defence read by Mr. Hesen
Erk on 12 November 2011.
Mr. Hesen Erk, is well-known for his moderate pro-identity activities
and politics. In spite of his moderate approaches, he is outright in
exposing the mindset of the Iranian authorities and the flaws in their
mindset. Although he is not attaching the label of racism to the Iranian
authorities (and he is wise not to do so when he is under a trial, as
every bit of this trial is arbitrary), nonetheless he spells out the
attributes of the Iranian brand of racism. Evidently, the ongoing
Iranian suppression is causing shrinkage of the margin between moderates
and very committed Southern Azerbaijani activists, as Mr. Erk’s defence
is very cognate to any hardliner. We should mention that the defiant
activists of Southern Azerbaijan had gathered in front of the court,
giving these some 30 detainees a hero’s ovation.
We have provided you evidence that the Iranian authorities are
conspiring against Southern Azerbaijan by deliberately drying up Lake
Urmu. On the top of the proof recited by Mr. Erk in his defence in the
Iranian kangaroo court, we provide further argument that if the Iranian
authorities were ever genuine, they would have not resorted to iron-fist
ploys against all the democratic protests orchestrated by Southern
Azerbaijanis (see our communications: Ref: 546/ 2011 on 5 Sept 2011;
Ref: 545/2011 on 30 August 2011 for the event this year alone). The
explanation that is emerging is that the Iranian authorities have a
geopolitical strategic plan to drive an Aryan wedge between
Azerbaijani Turks and Turkey and they are deliberately deploying the
desertification of the Lake Urmu basin as an instrument to depopulate
the basin from Azerbaijani Turks. The situation update is that:
·
Nearly all rivers flowing into the lake have been
dammed.
·
Very few of these dams are used in water
resources or irrigation but their water is diffused into upper
catchments under various pretexts, such as fish farming and no one knows
anything about their economical return.
·
There has been no environmental impact assessment
of removing the water by these dams on the lake water levels.
·
There is no masterplan on water use of the Urmu
basin.
·
The Iranian authorities are not even fulfilling
their obligation towards the RAMSAR treaty and have failed to submit the
report when the integrity of the lake is undermined by any change.
So the first phase 1 of the Iranian malicious masterplan is already
complete and comprises building of dams. However, the second phase is
supposed to be now, during which the Azerbaijani Turks would depopulate
the region but this has backfired, as instead of leaving the basin,
Azerbaijanis are resolute that the lake has to be reinstated. The
heinous next phase, that will never be realised, is that they would
reinstate the water levels in the lake and repopulate the area by so
called, the Aryans, as a wedge between the Azerbaijani Turks and
Turkey.
This deplorable masterplan is technically feasible, as we call your
attention to the fact that the rainfall to the Lake Urmu basin is all
from outside the basin drawing mainly from both the Mediterranean Sea
and the Caspian Sea. No matter what is happening within the basin, the
annual rainfall to the basin is secure within its hydrological
variability. The Iranian claim of climate change has long been
discredited, as the water level of Lake Van 100 km to the West of Lake
Urmu is thriving as ever. Instead of producing a scientific masterplan
of water use for the basin, the Iranian authorities have first
undermined the integrity of Lake Urmu and then they have engaged on
malicious propaganda that they have such plans as transferring water
from the Caspian Sea.
The above Iranian geopolitical masterplan may sound as an insane plan
that no rational government would make commitment to such an infantile
plan. The problem is that the boundary between rationality and
irrationality or sanity and insanity in Iran is very fuzzy indeed. For
too long, the democratic countries and human right organisations,
including your own organisation have tolerated odd behaviour of the
Iranian authorities on the issue of race, as well as the racism that is
infesting Iran in the name of the supremacy of the Aryan race.
This is the outcome of international failure to respond to the problem.
2.
Refiq Tagi (Rəfiq Tağı) –
A Target and a victim of the Iranian terrorism in the Republic of
Azerbaijan
The Iranian authorities are taking any proactive measure to maintain
their colonial hegemony over Southern Azerbaijan and one of their
strategic measures seems to undermine the Republic of Azerbaijan. We
must make it clear that the Republic of Azerbaijan runs a gentlemanly
international policy and does not interfere with the policies of any
country. At the same time, the prosperity of the Republic of Azerbaijan
is a source of inspiration for Southern Azerbaijani when they see that
Azerbaijani culture and language are far more homely than that of the
Iranian brand of racist-theocracy still boosting for their discredited
ideology of Aryan supremacy. The Iranian News Agency, the Seher
Program, broadcasts in Azerbaijani Turkic to the Republic of Azerbaijan,
and is the mouthpiece of the Iranian authorities. The provocations
incited in this program are to encourage sabotage in the Republic of
Azerbaijan and to steer up the secular outlook of Azerbaijan by the
Iranian kind of Shia extremism. Now this broadcasting program, as well
as many other Iranian media, is waging open provocations against
Azerbaijani seculars, freethinkers and writers. Azerbaijan is renowned
for toleration and secularism and has a thriving community of writers
committed to secularism and one of these writers was Mr. Refiq Tagi, who
was under the spell of a “Fatwa” by an Iranian ayatollah called
“Lankarani” in the now the Iranian religious capital, Qom; much similar
to the saga of Salman Rushdie. However, the threat on Mr. Refiq Tagi was
executed as he was stabbed on 19 November 2011 but died due to the
received wounds on 23 November 2011. It is intriguing that the Iranian
threat against Mr. Rushdie failed but that against Mr. Tagi hit the
target. The difference between the two cases is clear: the Iranian
threat against Mr. Rushdie was a simple religious stunt of propaganda
but that against Mr. Tagi had a racist dimension to undermine Azerbaijan
(South, or North) at any price.
3.
Arbitrary Imprisonment, Detention, Gagging
and Intimidation
The Iranian authorities operate a mischievous ploy to undermine and
eradicate activism in Southern Azerbaijan but at the same time, they go
a long way to cover their ill-deeds and the traces.
Table 2 provides some of the names, who are arbitrarily imprisoned by
the Iranian authorities.
This list is not exhaustive and some of these individuals may have been
released and many more may have been detained arbitrarily since we
compiled this list, a week ago. But the point is that they are all
exemplary citizens, envy of any society to have such diligent
individuals, yet they are deprived arbitrarily from their liberty. We
have provided you the details of Mr. Seid Metinpur, an accomplished
human right defender, writer, journalist and a philosopher, who is still
imprisoned in Evin prison. Also Seid Mughanli, Seid Neimi are prominant
writers and human right defenders, who too are imprioned arbitrarily.
Mr. Abbas Leysanli, the founder of activism in Southern Azerbaijan is
gagged by completely arbitrary threats of long-term imprisonment,
following our communications to you (Ref: 549/2011 on 3 October 2011).
It is intriguing that your report overlooks such fine examples. We have
also provided you the names of individuals who suffer extra-judiciary
death by the Iranian nebular paramilitary agents, such as the prominent
activits Mr. Chingiz bekhtaver (Ref: 521/2010 on 12 January 2010). We
are surprised that your report does not mention anything about these
cases.
4.
Iranian intimidation Against Southern
Azerbaijani Sports Fan
As per our communication (Ref: 551/2011 on 7 November 2011), we reported
that the most explicit racism is being staged from the Iranian national
radio and television sport programs and the Iranian authorities are not
only taking any corrective measures, they are even escalating their
intimidations of the Southern Azerbaijani football fans. We know that
detailed reports have been submitted to you and hope that you are very
much minded with this very serious problem and your final report rectify
this omission.
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Table 1.a Overview of Some Thirty Southern
Azerbaijani Prisoners of Conscience Detained by the Conspiring
Iranian Authorities Planning to Depopulate Southern Azerbaijan |
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1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25 |
Some 30 individuals were rounded up in Qum-tepe,
Tebriz on 25 August 2011, when they were gathered for a party,
during which they were discussing the implications of the news
then including the official news on depopulating Azerbaijani
Turks from the area. The Iranian authorities forced their entry
into the private property of Mr. Evezpur, whose mother, father,
uncles and a bride of the house were beaten up and arrested but
released hours later. The names of the detainees are given as
per a report by ADAPP (http://www.savalansesi.com/2011/08/blog):
Murtuza Evezpur,
Mustafa Evezpur,
Mahmud Fezli,
Jelil Elemdar Milani
Taghi Selehshur,
Yusif Selehshur,
Abdulla Sudduqi
Mehdi Hemidi Shefeq
Jemshid Zarei
Hesen Erk
Mehdi Muhajir,
Eziz Purveli,
Ehmed Elizade
Yasir Selmani Rzayi,
Ilqar Kerimi
Mendi Nur,
Ehmed Riyazi Mubareki,
Ferzad Mehdevi,
Musa Berzin Khelifelu,
Yaqub Ramazani,
Vehid Sheykhbeylu,
Mehemmed, Elimuradi,
Eli Shirnak.
Mehemmed Emiri,
Taghi Sofiyani
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Table 1.b Excerpts
from the Defence by Mr. Hesen Erk when He was Tried by the
Iranian Authorities
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The Text of Mr.
Hesen Erk’s Defence
[Translator’s Note:
The republic of Azerbaijan is not a party to this case, as this
case is between Southern Azerbaijanis and the Islamic Republic
of Iran. However, within Iran, some people tend to use
Azerbaijan and some Southern Azerbaijan. Where necessary, the
Translator adds Azerbaijan within [square bracket] to minimise
misunderstand. Square bracket is also employed when implicit
expressions are added by the author to make the English text
flowing.
The court convened
against us is founded on the assumption that our gathering was
to undermine the security of the country. Is there such a
principle that the gathering of a number of citizens is a
sufficient reason for a crime? How is it possible that the judge
here justifies this court on merely the gathering of a number of
citizens in their own private house or any other place?
Of course, the legal
response to these questions will uphold the citizen’s rights and
defy this court trial, even though it is possible to be
suspicious of the citizen and regrettably, such a suspicion is
in evidence regarding our gathering. Although it is not
sufficient to detain, let alone to convince citizens merely by
suspicion but now that this is the case, let me analysis this
very suspicion (translator’s note: hereinafter: the Suspicion).
The founding principle
of the Suspicion is that the gathering of any individuals of
[Southern] Azerbaijani pro-identity activists is certainly
equated to conspiracy against the government or undermining the
security in the country.
Having considered that
social conditions are in a delicate situation now, naturally
bringing the disaster of Lake Urmu to the agenda is regarded
with Suspicion and any such initiative is escalated with
adversely high coefficients. Let us explain that nearly all of
the initiatives were regarded as legal, e.g. appeals to members
of parliament and to government bodies. No statements have been
issued to suggest that these initiatives were against the
security of the country. We have suffered extensive
interrogations and have seen the production of hefty dossiers,
have endured massive physical and psychological pressures,
including the search of our homes and workplaces. All these have
shown no shred of evidence that we were ever undermining the
security of the country. Also, let it be made clear that the
accusations pressed by law officers against us, though extremely
harshly worded, threatening and serious, but they are devoid any
credit. Of course, there is no way to convince citizens purely
based on suspicions.
Other accusations
pressed against us by security agents are based on:
1.
The attendants of the gathering were [Southern]
Azerbaijani pro-identity activists
2.
The country is under very sensitive situation due
to the position taken by foreign countries
3.
The problem of Lake Urmu is a ploy invented to
activate opposition [to the government]
The above is the basis
for [the extraordinary] interpretations that the participants of
the gathering were aiming to undermine the security of the
country. This is futile and unfounded and we have to say that
all three of the above accusations are politically-motivated and
they are the outcome of political analysis. Yet it is incredible
that this court does not even accept that this court is a
political one. We the accused individuals” are accused on
ordinary matters and yet evidence for it is contrary to our
current status; one the one hand we are kept in the bankruptcy
section of the prison in Tebriz and on the other hand we were
subjected to protracted political questions during
interrogations by security agents; besides our trial was in
closed court sessions. If we are political prisoners, our trial
has to be in a political prison and our lawyers and family
members have to be able to be present in the court. So, this
court has no authority over us and as such, I submit to the
court that [the best option available to the court is] to
declare its absence of authority over our cases, and refer these
dossiers to a political court. Evidently, a political court will
have much to talk to us [than you have].
Let us compare the
drying up of the River “Zayandeh rood” and that of Lake Urmu.
[Translator’s Note: The Iranian authorities helped to
orchestrate protests for the drying of this river in Esfahan
through a Persian city to justify the funds for trans-catchment
diversions and to revive the river at massive costs.] Why the
government do not deal with the protesters of the both events in
the same way and displays a protective policies towards the
protesters of the River Zayandeh rood and adverse policies to
the protesters of Lake Urmu? Why the official daily newspaper
Iran supports the protests for the River Zayandeh rood? What
is the difference between the citizens of [Southern] Azerbaijan
and the citizens of Esfahan?
Do you think that the
disaster of Lake Urmu is smaller than that of the river Zayandeh
rood? Why protest to save Lake Urmu undermines the security of
the country but those to save the River Zayandeh rood are not
considered in the same frame of mind? I was an activist during
the revolution and during the “imposed” war [of Iran and Iraq]
and have been always a defender of my soil and my home
territory. Thus, how can I stay silent against this catastrophe
that is rolling out? We did not sacrifice our livelihood for the
sake of diminishing to a spectator of part of this land to be
stricken by a disaster. The Constitution of the country is also
conferring this right to us to speak out. You ought not expect
that the nation of Azerbaijan will stay silent and ignore the
ongoing injustice and discriminations. Note that the popular
protests took place subsequent to the drying up of the Lake Urmu,
which you resorted to rounding them up for detention and not
surprisingly, the government’s malevolent suppressions often
fuelled these protests.
I want to bring up a
number of cases regarding the legal proceeding of the court. The
court detained the accused ones in a temporary detention
facility, whereas they could have been released under bail. The
option resorted to is based on the assumptions that the dossiers
were considered to have a security dimension right from the
beginning and in the second place, there was fear that the
accused ones would have escaped and disappeared from your
control.
As regards the first
assumption, I regret to say that you have brought the country to
a situation that even diligent care of the individuals for the
protection of the environment has become a matter of security to
you. Under the circumstance, the relevant authorities ought to
be brought before justice but we, the ordinary citizens, are
being wrongly punished.
As regards the second
assumption of the fear for escape, I must rule out this.
Altogether, considering my reputation and those of the other
accused ones on the grounds of our long periods of our political
and social activism, we are going to escape nowhere.
The basis of the court
is founded on these two “certain assumptions” [Translator’s
Note: the quotation mark is by the translator, as the assumption
cannot be certain but brace yourself to any surprises when you
are considering the mindset of the Iranian authorities. Mr. Erk
knows what he is saying.]: 1. We gathered to undermine; 2. We
are disingenuous and liars.
These certain
assumptions make up the substance for the procedure adopted by
the court, which is also founded on two certain assumptions: 1.
The dossiers are within the remit of the security of the
country; 2. The fear that accused may escape.
The principle for our
gathering and having a meeting there are the issues but are
these counted as a crime? In the office of the Ministry of
Information we were told that this gathering alone and holding
similar views are crimes as you are separatists and these
meeting are not allowed.
According
to law, gathering and sharing similar opinions are not a crime
and if there is a law that regards it a crime for the citizen to
gather together and hold similar ideas, please expressly
identify it. Now that gathering and holding similar ideas are
not a crime, therefore I have no fear to state here our subject
of discussion. Those of us who were present in the meeting bear
witness that we did not conspire to or aim at to undermining the
security of the country and there was nothing discussed to this
end. All the discussed issues were within the framework of law.
In the majority of the cases, we were planning to implement our
initiatives in the presence of the journalist, reporters and
members of parliament. We have detailed all these during the
interrogations.
There is no evidence
to indicate any intention on undermining anything. As there was
no such intention, naturally there is no evidence. Moreover, my
statements here conform to the same statements by the other
accused ones. There is no trace of any evidence attributable to
the meeting, to workplace of the participants, to their house or
to anything whatsoever. There is no smoking gun, no material
trace and no objective trace.
Considering the
unwise behaviour of the security agents and their malevolent
accusations, I have to add that there must be new generations of
agents in the Ministry of Information regarding such diligent
initiatives as conspiracy theories. Also, considering that these
new kinds of agents in the Ministry of Information differ from
those 6 years ago, as the new ones deploy preconceived plans
towards their end, the judges must not press charges against
[Southern] Azerbaijani activists.
Skipping a paragraph
or two.
What is certain is
that the hope of our nation of Azerbaijan is to have free
leaders, to keep campaigning and to strengthen the message in
the public opinion. This court is regarded as a channel of
outlet for these messages. [I turn my face to this court and say
clearly that] if you want to solve the problems of Lake Urmu by
imprisoning us, then let it be. However, we know that no matter
how you attach a security dimension to the problem of [Southern]
Azerbaijan, this nation shall not remain silent and shall carry
on these protests.
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متن دفاعیات آقای حسن ارک به شرح زیر ارائه می
گردد:
اساسا دادگاهی که بر علیه ما تشکیل یافته بر این فرض استوار است که
ما تجمع کردیم که بر علیه امنیت کشور تبانی نماییم. اصل تجمع عده
ای از شهروندان آیا میتواند دلیلی بر مجرمیت آنان به حساب آید؟ آیا
از نظر قاضی محترم می توان عده ای از شهروندان را صرفا به دلیل
تجمع کردن در یک محل و یا منزل شخصی متهم نمود؟
البته که جواب این سئوال از نظر حقوقی منفی میباشد هر چند که
میتوان به چنین جمعی سوء ظن داشت ،که متاسفانه در مورد جلسه ما در
منزل شخصی، چنین سوء ظنی به وضوح نمایان است. هر چند که نمیتوان
شهروندان را صرفا با سوءظن داشتن محکوم کرد، ولی لازم است همین
سوءظن نیز شکافته شود.
این سوءظن بر این زمینه استوار است که افراد شناخته شده ی هویت
گرای آزربایجانی اگر دور هم جمع شده اند حتما جهت توطئه بر علیه
حکومت و تبانی بر علیه امنیت کشور میباشد.
با
توجه به شرایط حساس جامعه و مطرح بودن فاجعه خشک شدن دریاچه
ارومیه، چنین سوءظنی طبیعی است که با ضریب بیشتری تقویت نیزشود. در
این رابطه باید توضیح داده شود که اولا مطالب و مسائل مطروحه در
جلسه نشان میدهد که اکثریت قریب به اتفاق ، اقدامات قانونی از جمله
مراجعه به نمایندگان مجلس شورای اسلامی و مسئولین دولتی را تایید و
پیشنهاد میکردند. و هیچ صحبتی که نشان از تصمیم به اقدام علیه
امنیت کشور باشد انجام نشده است، وهمچنین هیچ تصمیمی در جلسه گرفته
نشده و ضابطین قضایی این پرونده نیز با تمام فشارهای روحی و جسمی
که به متهمین وارد کردند و با تفتیشها و بازرسی های گسترده و شدیدی
که از محل زندگی و محل کار افراد حاضر در جلسه انجام دادند، هیچ
سند و مدرکی که نشانگر نیتی برای انجام تبانی بر علیه امنیت کشور
باشد موجود نبوده است، و اتهام زنی ضابطین قضایی بر علیه ما هر چه
قدر هم که با لحن آمرانه و شدید و جدی هم بوده باشد فاقد اعتبار
است و نمیتوان شهروندان را صرفا به خاطر داشتن سوءظن و اتهام زنی
های شدید و آمرانه محکوم کرد.
البته اتهام دیگری نیز از جانب بازجو های اداره اطلاعات انجام گرفت
مبنی بر این که :
1-حاضرین در جلسه، افراد هویت گرای آزربایجانی هستند.
2-شرایط و فضای کشور با توجه به مواضع قدرتهای خارجی شدیدا حساس
است .
3-مسئله دریاچه ارومیه محملی برای فعال شدن مخالفین برانداز ایجاد
کرده است.
سپس از مجموع این گزاره ها میتوان استنتاج کرد که حاضرین در جلسه
به قصد تبانی برای اقدام بر علیه امنیت کشور جمع شده بودند . در
این مورد ضمن رد ارتباط منطقی که بتوان چنین نتیجه ای را حاصل کرد
، باید چنین گفت که هر سه گزاره فوق از جنبه های مختلف ماهیت سیاسی
دارند و ایجاد ارتباط با گزاره های فوق با تجزیه و تحلیلهای سیاسی
صورت میگیرد ولی دادگاهی که بر علیه ما تشکیل یافته قبول ندارد که
دادگاهی سیاسی است.اگر این جانبان متهمین عادی هستیم ، که رفتار با
ما و نیز نگهداری در بند مالی زندان تبریز نیز این مسئله را نشان
می دهد ، چرا از ما سئوال سیاسی پرسیده میشود و دادگاهمان غیر علنی
است؟ اگر ما متهمین سیاسی هستیم باید در یک دادگاه سیاسی علنی
محاکمه شویم و خانوادهایمان نیز کنارمان حضور داشته باشند. پس
دادگاه صلاحیت نیز ندارد که با استنطاق سیاسی متهمین را محکوم
نماید. در این رابطه پیشنهاد میکنم دادگاه رای به عدم صلاحیت خود
بدهد و پرونده را جهت رسیدگی به یک دادگاه سیاسی ارجاع دهد . مسلم
است که متهمین در یک دادگاه سیاسی حرفهای زیادی برای گفتن خواهند
داشت.
آقای ارک با استناد به قسمتی از مقاله چاپ شده در روزنامه ایران
دفاعیات خود را این چنین ادامه دادند:
با
توجه به خشک شدن رودخانه زاینده رود و خشک شدن دریاچه ارومیه ، چرا
حاکمیت سیاستی دو گانه در پیش گرفته و رفتاری برابر با معترضین
رودخانه زاینده رود و معترضین خشک شدن در یاچه ارومیه نداشته است و
با معترضین جریان زاینده رود برخورد مشابهی (بازداشت ، تفتیش منزل،
محاکمه،...) صورت نگرفته است ؟ و چرا روزنامه ایران اعتراض به خشک
شدن زاینده رود را مورد حمایت قرار میدهد؟ تفاوت یک شهروند
آزربایجانی با یک شهروند مقیم اصفهان در چیست؟
آیا فاجعه خشک شدن دریاچه ارومیه کوچکتر از خشک شدن رودخانه زاینده
رود است؟ چرا مسئله خشک شدن دریاچه ارومیه مسئله ای امنیتی تعبیر
میشود ولی از خشک شدن رودخانه زاینده رود چنین برداشتی نمیشود؟
اینجانب فعال دوره انقلاب و جنگ تحمیلی نیز میباشم که همیشه مدافع
و حافظ خاک وطن بوده ام حال چگونه ممکن است در مقابل خشک شدن
دریاچه ارومیه ونابودی آن بی توجه باقی بمانم ؟ ما برای حفظ آب و
خاکمان جان ندادیم که اکنون نظاره گر خشک شدن قطعه ای از آن باشیم.
قانون اساسی نیز این وظیفه را بر شهروندان محول نموده است واز ملت
آزربایجان نیز انتظار نداشته باشید که در مقابل این وظیفه و نیز حق
کشی ها ساکت بمانند. جریانات و اعتراضات مردمی نیز بعد از خشک شدن
این دریاچه و بازداشت فعالین بوده ، و چه بسا دستگیری و عمل
مغرضانه ی دولت خود هیزمی بر آتش این اعتراضات افزوده است.
آقای ارک در ادامه افزود : چند مورد نیز در مورد رویه قضایی که
دادگاه در مورد متهمین در پیش گرفته است قابل طرح است: دادگاه
متهمین را در بازداشت موقت نگاه داشته است در صورتی که می توانست
متهمین را به قرار کفالت یا وثیقه آزاد نماید. این رویه بر این دو
فرض استوار است که ، اولا پرونده امنیتی است ، دوما بیم فرار
متهمین وجود دارد .
در
مورد فرض اول اینجانب بسیار متاسفم که کشور در شرایط و موقعیتی از
سیاست قرار گرفته است که حتی دلسوزی و فعالیت برای حفظ محیط زیست
نیز در آن تبدیل به مسئله ای امنیتی شده است. متاسفانه در این مورد
به جای آن که مسئولین مربوطه مورد بازخواست قرار گیرند ما را که
شهروندان عادی هستیم مجازات میکنند.
در
مورد فرض دوم وبیم فرار ، باید بگویم با توجه به سوابقی که اینجانب
و اکثر متهمین در طول فعالیت های سیاسی-اجتماعی خود داشته ایم
آشکار و واضح است که احتمال آن اصلا وجود ندارد.
اساس دادگاه بر دو فرض که مسلم گرفته شده است متکی میباشد: 1- جمع
شدیم که تبانی بکنیم. 2- ناصادق هستیم و دروغ می گوییم.
همچنین رویه ای که دادگاه در برابر پرونده اتخاذ کرده است نیز بر
دو فرض استوار است: 1- امنیتی بودن پرونده. 2- بیم فرار متهمان.
اصل جمع شدن ما و تشکیل جلسه آیا از نظر دادگاه جرم است ؟ در اداره
اطلاعات بما میگفتند خود این جمع شدن و همفکری کردن شماها که تجزیه
طلب هستید نباید صورت بگیرد و این خود جرم محسوب میشود.
بر
طبق قوانین اصل جمع شدن و همفکری کردن جرم محسوب نمیشود و اگر
قانونی هست که صرف تجمع شهروندان در یک منزل شخصی را جرم به حساب
می آورد ، لطفا مشخص نمایید. پس اگر صرف تجمع کردن و جلسه تشکیل
دادن جرم نیست پس باید به سراغ محتویات مسائل مطروحه در جلسه برویم
تا ثابت کند که در جلسه اراده ای جهت تبانی برای بر هم زنی امنیت
وجود داشته است . ما که حاضرین در جلسه بودیم شهادت می دهیم که
چنین اراده ای نبوده و مسائلی که به نیت بر هم زدن امنیت کشور باشد
طرح نشد. تمام مسائل مطروحه در جلسه در چارچوب قانون بوده است و
غالب گفتارها و ارائه راهکارها نیز مبتنی بر مراجعه حضوری و نامه
نگاری به مسئولان دولتی و نمایندگان مجلس بوده است . در تمام اوراق
بازجویی این مسائل قید شده است.
هیچ سند ومدرکی که نشان از نیتی برای تبانی باشد در میان نیست، چرا
که اصلا چنین نیتی نبوده است که مدرکی هم داشته باشد. همچنین گفتار
این جانب در آن جلسه که از طرف تمامی شرکت کنندگان تایید شد دائر
بر اقدامات قانونی بود که در اوراق بازجویی موکدا ذکر شده است .
حتی هیچ گونه سند و مدرکی در محل جلسه نبود و نیست. حتی در بازرسی
های خانه به خانه حاضرین در جلسه نیز مدرکی که نشان از تبانی کردن
بر علیه امنیت ملی کشور باشد یافت نشده است. بنا به همین دلایل
عنصر مادی و عینی وقوع جرم منتفی است.
وبا توجه به برخورد نیروهای امنیتی که بسیار نامعقول بود . واتهام
وارده از طرف سازمان اطلاعات مبنی بر تجمع بر علیه امنیت نظام ، که
بسیار مغرضانه میباشد ، باید اضافه نمود که باید دنبال عوامل جدیدی
در سازمان اطلاعات باشیم که این گونه مسائل را مغرضانه جلوه
میدهند. و با توجه به این که نیروهای تازه وارد به سازمان اطلاعات
متفاوت با سال 85 هستند و در صدد مغرضانه نشان دادن وقایع می باشند
، نباید قاضی نسبت به این پیش فرضهای مغرضانه برای فعالین مدنی
آزربایجان حکمی صادر نماید.
و
اگر اینگونه نباشد دادگاه برای محکوم کردن ما چاره ای ندارد با دید
سیاسی تجمع حاضران را بنگرد. در چنین حالتی این جانب مجبورم توضیح
بدهم که اگر قصد شرکت کنندگان جلسه بر هم زدن امنیت کشور بوده
باشد حتما باید نفعی برای حاضران در جلسه عاید باشد. از آنجایی که
تمامی حاضرین در جلسه از هویت گرایان آزربایجانی هستند و علقه های
هویتی دارند چنین نفعی نیز باید از همین جنس باشد . میتوان به
دلایل سیاسی فرهنگی بسیار زیادی اثبات کرد که بر هم خوردن امنیت
کشور در شرایط فعلی به ضرر ماست . ولی چون دادگاه حاضر ما را نه به
عنوان متهمین سیاسی بلکه به عنوان بزه کار محاکمه می کند مطرح کردن
استدلالهای سیاسی مثمر ثمر نیست. اگر دادگاه قبول کند که دادگاهی
سیاسی است و شرایط یک دادگاه سیاسی را آماده نماید بنده حاضرم
استدلالهای خود را در این زمینه ارائه نمایم.
بیانات آقای ارک حال و هوای خشک دادگاه را به نفع متهمین تغییر داد
و بیانات دیگر متهمین نیز در راستای همین گفته ها بود .
آنچه مسلم است امید ما ملت آزربایجان به آزادی لیدر های ملت مان ،
به ادامه پیگیری هایمان، و بسط این موضوع در اذهان عمومی بستگی
دارد که فعالین و پیش آهنگان ملت آزربایجان همیشه و در همه جا
مدافع حقوق واقعی ملت هستند، طوری که دادگاه نیز به عنوان یک
رسانه برای این افراد تلقی میشود که ناگفته های ملت را به گوش
مسئولان برسانند. آقای ارک در پایان گفته های خود چنین افزود : اگر
قرار است ما در زندان بمانیم و مسئله دریاچه ارومیه حل شود، چرا که
نه... بگذار بمانیم .
ولی میدانیم که با امنیتی کردن این مسائل ملت آزربایجان دست روی
دست نخواهد گذاشت و به اعتراض خود ادامه خواهد داد.
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http://www.tebrizsesi.com/site/meqale/14-meqaleler/5309-1390-08-23-18-10-56
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Table 2 Some of the Southern Azerbaijani
Activists arbitrarily detentions by the Iranian Authorities |
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1
2
3 |
Zəncan:
Jelil Qenilu
Eyvaz Bayat
Davud Khudakeremi |
|
1
2
3
4
5 |
Urmu:
Yurush Mehrelibeyli
Esger Ekber zade
Hesen Kerimzade
Vehid Faizpur
Shehram yuzbashi |
|
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16 |
Tebriz:
Mehdi Nuri
Vehid Şeykhbeyoglu
Hesen Erk
Mustafa Əvəz pur
Rehim Elirzai
Şehram Dadashi
Mesud Bayrami
Eli Muterjimi
Elirza Huseyn zade
Rza Khacei
Ekber Muhajiri
Resul Rezevi
Ipek (Feranek) Ferid
Ferzad Kazimi
Eli Mehdizade
Sadiq Evezpur
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1
2
3
4
5
6 |
Tehran:
Seid Metinpur
Letif Heseni
Behnam Sheykhi
Seid Neimi
Eli Rizai
Hemid Menafi |
|
1
2 |
qoshachay
(Miyandoab)
Veli Tohrabi
Atila seyfi |
|
1 |
Khiyov
(Meshginshehr):
Javad Perxanlı |
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1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27 |
Xoy:
Mehemmed Biqem
Ebdullah Sheqaqi
Behzad Hajilu
Musa Seyfi
Abbas Vetenkhah
Shirzad Hajilu
Ibrahim Irani
Salar Eraqi
Hemid Purjefer
Javad Servnaz
Nemet Hajilu
Siyavush Hebibzade
Mehemmed Vehdet ferd
Fershad Huseyinlu
Mrs. Fatime Cengi
Behnam Muhebbe Elilu
Mrs. Zuleykha Qenizade
Nejat Riza Lek
Zeynal Qasimi
Elimehemmed Elilu
Siyavush Hebibzadeqan
Meherrem Khurushan
Suleyman Eraqi
Eli Neqinejad
Islam Varli
Kerim Yekani
Sabir Seferi |
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1 |
Makı:
Behmen Nesirzade |
|
1
2 |
Mughan:
Efshin Shehbazi
Kiyan Peyqami |
|
1
2 |
Miyana:
Mehemmed Esedi
Mehdi Qiyasi |
|
1
2
3
4 |
Ərdəbil:
Abbas Leysanlı
Nesrullah Velizade
Mesud Jelilzade
Chengiz Khorsendi
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